ECO 6, SB62
BAM! An idea whose time has come!
The JTWP contact group will be reaching peak intensity today, responding to a year-long demand from civil society to present ideas for operationalising the JTWP and discuss actionable outcomes. The moment for the BAM – the Belem Action Mechanism for a Global Just Transition – has come. Wonder what this could look like?
Want to know more? ECO has made it easy:
***
(Most) governments stand strong for climate justice at the ICJ, Now do the same here
Do you remember… the 13th of December?
The 13th of December was the last day of the oral hearings at the world’s highest court to inform a historic upcoming ruling on Climate Justice, in a case that grew from Vanuatu and Pacific Island students and was requested without objection by all States in the UN General Assembly. In December, most of the UNFCCC Parties rallied at the International Court of Justice (ICJ) to present their understanding of how international law applies in the context of climate change.
We were inspired to see such a wide convergence among the majority of governments in stressing the importance of upholding the rule of law and dealing with the climate crisis on the basis of long established legal norms.
This Bonn session is the first time that states are meeting since we saw more than 112 states (all of them – of course – UNFCCC parties!) speak on state obligations relating to climate change before the International Court of Justice in The Hague.
We expect that the governments who made strong statements before the ICJ will now carry that same conviction into the negotiations—insisting that any outcomes from Bonn or COP30 be fully consistent with existing international legal obligations. Whether regarding the legal obligation of historic contributors to prevent further climate harm and to provide reparation for damage caused, the requirement to engage in international cooperation, or the duty to uphold the right of impacted States and communities to remedy those harms that have already occurred – we expect alignment of legal and diplomatic positions. For those countries that presented regressive arguments, we urge you to change your position now – rather than waiting for the ICJ’s ruling to prove your views wrong.
While we await the ruling of the World Court with great expectations, we call upon Parties gathered in Bonn to use the legal arguments that they voiced in December based on international environmental, human rights and customary international law, as the floor for any negotiation stream in Bonn.
The law is catching up with science. Can the policy catch up with the law?
***
Mind the GAP!
Yesterday, it seems that a draft version of the fourth iteration of the Presidency’s letter was leaked. The letter laid out 30 key objectives for COP30. While the agenda covers myriad topics, there is a surprising absence: Gender.
We are sure this was just a silly little typo, given that we know that the Presidency is well aware that this is a crucial year to develop and adopt a new and ambitious Gender Action Plan (GAP).
After coming out of a very productive and collaborative 3-day workshop to develop a new GAP this week, ECO knows that this letter does not represent the spirit of the Parties dedicated to advancing work towards a transformative and robust GAP. Therefore, the Women and Gender Constituency has taken the liberty to help with some tips on how to improve this draft. We ask the Presidency to share a final version and be sure not to forget the crosscutting point of integrating gender.
***
COP30 is the time to catch the wave on Oceans
A big wave of Ocean momentum is building – and it’s swelling fast. With the third UN Ocean Conference (UNOC3) just finished last week, the High Seas Treaty is only a splash away from entering into force, and this week’s Ocean and Climate Change Dialogue, the tide is finally turning. Just a year ago, the International Tribunal on the Law of the Sea also issued a ruling reaffirming that States have the legal obligation to protect the marine environment through the application of the precautionary principle.
But the question remains: will Parties catch the wave or just get swept away by the current? Let’s be clear: without a healthy ocean there is no stable climate. So, wax those boards, negotiators – the swell is rising, and ECO calls on Parties to catch this wave. Because the ocean will help you achieve your goals on adaptation as well as mitigation.
And ECO also wants to remind Parties: not everything that floats or hides underwater belongs in your NDCs. While talking about the Ocean-based measures in the NDCs, let’s not disguise unproven marine carbon dioxide removal schemes as making use of natural sinks. There’s a world of difference between unproven geoengineering schemes that risk doing more harm than good and legitimate proven ocean-based climate action, such as rejecting offshore oil and gas and prioritizing blue carbon ecosystem restoration.
As negotiators dive deeper into the Global Goal on Adaptation, ECO urges Parties not to forget to integrate the Big Blue. That means aligning with relevant indicator frameworks under other Multilateral Environmental Agreements such as the CBD and, crucially, recognizing that adaptation without ecological integrity and connectivity is like a coral reef without coral.
ECO reminds Parties that delivering real Ocean-climate-biodiversity synergies means going beyond the shoreline. Discussions on blue carbon and marine conservation under the UNFCCC also need to be expanded beyond coastal areas and include High Seas, carbon flows and biodiversity in the water column and the deep-sea.
Smooth surfing into COP30 in Belem demands more than talks. It requires Parties to ride this momentum all the way to real ocean-climate action. And ECO reminds Parties: climate ambition must not come at the cost of the rights of coastal communities or ocean integrity – the most credible mitigation pathway remains immediate emissions reduction, not marine manipulation.
***
No Mutirão Can Exist Without Defenders and Communities
On Wednesday, the COP30 Presidency hosted the first session of the “Global Mutirão” at SB62 in Bonn. Inspired by Brazil’s Indigenous roots, a Mutirão is a collective effort based on solidarity and shared purpose. The session was skillfully moderated, with genuine efforts to involve participants and encourage reflection on community-led climate action.
However, while the energy and intention behind the initiative are appreciated, ECO is concerned. The session leaned heavily on digital tools and platforms developed by tech companies, which, although promising in terms of innovation, risk overshadowing the very real struggles of communities and defenders on the frontlines of the climate crisis.
Spreading the spirit of the Mutirão globally is valuable—but only if grounded in the urgent realities faced by those who risk their lives to protect the planet.
While communities are asked to fix the climate crisis without the necessary resources, protection or support, their safety is being compromised and their voices ignored. They are silenced when trying to hold decision-makers accountable for their failures to act with urgency. ECO wonders: will the spirit of the Mutirão support communities in their fight to stop Brazil from issuing new oil exploration licenses in the Amazon?
The Mutirão will only be one if it guarantees full and meaningful participation of the people most affected by climate change and those fighting for effective, ambitious solutions. Environmental Human Rights Defenders (EHRDs), civil society, grassroots voices, social movements, frontline communities, Indigenous Peoples, women, youth, and persons with disabilities must be co-creators in this process—not just for the Mutirão, but in all climate decision-making.
Participation is more than a symbol. We need permanent, accessible, well-funded spaces for dialogue across all themes to influence the substance of negotiations. And if ECO is honest, it would be a dream to see the protection of EHRDs become central in the negotiations.
But let’s be frank: Brazil must make protection real at the national level. Pará—where COP30 will happen—is Brazil’s deadliest state for environmental defenders. Much must be done domestically as well as in the UNFCCC, where the Secretariat must implement and enforce a clear policy against threats, harassment, and violence toward EHRDs and all observers. And protection cannot work if it does not respond to the gendered realities faced by Women Environmental Human Rights Defenders.
As COP30 host, Brazil must lead by example: guarantee civic space, uphold international human rights commitments, and ensure all participants can engage safely in Belém. A true Mutirão is built on collaboration, respect, and shared leadership.
If planetary transformation is to begin from the ground up, those who live and fight in the territories every day must be at the center. Let COP30 be the turning point—where decision-making finally opens up to the people who defend our planet, every single day. We’re ready to support the development of the Mutirão, and hope it grows in a way that centers and includes the voices of those most affected.
***
No room for Ambition in the 6.2 Ambition Dialogues
When ECO attended the 6.2 Ambition Dialogues that took place Wednesday and Thursday, we had vague hopes that we’d be pleasantly surprised and hear how countries engaging in Article 6.2 carbon trades are only going above and beyond their NDCs. Because that is what Article 6 is all about, right? And surely, you want to prove the doubters wrong? But ECO found ambition in the 6.2 room crowded out by two massive elephants.
First is the Failure Elephant in the room. The first batch of Article 6.2 deals have been found, by UNFCCC reviewers and civil society alike, to be absolutely fraught with issues, which is hardly a surprise in the wild, wild west of carbon markets.
The second elephant appeared when the spotlight was put on the NDCs of the countries buying mitigation outcomes. ECO could have sworn it heard crickets when stakeholders brought up the ambition of these countries. Hot take: what if we had NDC requirements for 6.2 buyers? Perhaps proving that they are meeting an ambitious NDC domestically, before they can resort to their beloved markets? Simply shifting their mitigation burden to the global South – that’s not ambition.
As a side note, ECO does agree seller country NDCs deserve some attention, as there are worrying rumors of countries lowering ambition in their NDCs to be able to sell more mitigation outcomes under Article 6. Problematic, and an all too predictable perverse incentive that would cause not only outsourcing, but actively lowering ambition in order to be able to engage in Article 6. What cruel irony that our planet’s future depends on this farce.
ECO also wants to reiterate, because somehow this is very difficult to understand, that carbon markets are not climate finance. It’s a two-way transaction. A quid pro quo. What’s next? Calling grocery shopping ‘produce finance’? An expensive coffee at the conference center – can we make that tax deductible ‘caffeine finance’? Carbon markets can’t make up for the glaring lack of real, unconditional, grant-based climate finance that was withheld by the very same countries now jumping on Article 6.
***
More Fantasy than ‘Avengers Moment’ – Unmasking private finance
As finance negotiators engage on the Roadmap and 2.1c, ECO fears that the private sector will once again be cast as the saviour of the story – expected to swoop in with capes (and capital) to close the climate finance gaps.
This isn’t a new script. Back at COP29, the Independent High Level Expert Group on climate finance laid it out plainly: private finance “can and must” grow 15 to 18 times by 2030, an increase of up to $500 billion. Since then, the hype has only grown.
Let’s be honest: we’d all love an ‘Avengers Moment’, a dramatic, heroic entrance of a powerful group or solution that turns the tide when things are bleak. The private sector is framed as our last-minute rescue team.
But the truth is not the hero’s journey.
Yes, private capital can provide upfront financing for climate action (through investment, resilience bonds, equity, etc). But in most cases, it’s governments or households ultimately footing the bill. This shifts the burden onto the most vulnerable and flies in the face of equity and Common but Differentiated Responsibilities.
When it comes to adaptation, which is often a public good offering limited or no financial returns, private finance almost vanishes. Forthcoming analysis by the Zurich Climate Resilience Alliance reveals that private sector flows to adaptation in developing countries currently cover just 2-3% of what’s needed. Yes, you read that right.
Blended finance isn’t saving the day either. Using Convergence data, the leverage ratio for adaptation is 1:0.67. That means for every public dollar, we’re not even getting a full private dollar in return. Oil Change International finds similar dismal ratios for mitigation.
Even the World Bank is moving on. President Ajay Banga recently called the “billions to trillions” narrative “unrealistic” and admitted it had “bred complacency.” The Bank’s chief economist called it a “fantasy”.
So why is the climate finance world still clinging to the illusion that private capital will fly in and save us?
It’s time to stop scripting superhero movies. There is no hero behind the mask. Real progress means making public finance work for people, not profit – and a fundamental overhaul that ensures climate finance serves the most climate-vulnerable.
***
I GOT U(AE) Babe
Things are looking a whole lot like June 2024 in the GST UAE Dialogue room, making us wonder if we’re stuck in a Groundhog Day scenario. Meanwhile, in the outside world, time marches on, and the deadline for action looms.
ECO said many, many times why and how. Parties have to agree on a relevant scope, with ambitious modalities. It is a simple ask. But, instead, we’re hearing the same tired narratives with no forward progress. ECO is ready to turn the page, so let’s use the most universal language we have in this world: music. In the immortal words of Beyonce, Baby, I swear it’s Deja Vu.
… Usually it was a whole lot of nothing
Most the people were pretty lame
Yet I would go along and laugh
When all the punch lines were all the same
Chanson de The Methadones, 2001
This is the mood ECO gets from the negotiation room. But, dear delegates, you could sing a different song. ECO has suggestions:
Dear delegates, choose the right song, sing and act!
***
Download the ECO issue here: https://climatenetwork.org/wp-content/uploads/2025/06/ECO-21-June-2025.pdf