In CAN’s view, discussions about the future of the flexible mechanisms including the consideration of new project activities should be firmly grounded in an analysis of their performance so far. So far, the CDM has failed to meet its dual objectives of supporting cost-effective climate change mitigation and sustainable development in developing countries. Yet, even when accepting some of the well-known shortcomings of project-based CDM mechanisms, CCS is highly likely to fail most of the requirements in this specific offset framework. Therefore despite the abovementioned CMP decision, CAN does not believe including CCS in CDM is an appropriate way forward. Therefore this submission sets out reasons for CAN´s opposition to the inclusion of CCS in CDM and subsequently addresses the different issues referred in paragraph 3 of the CMP Decision It should be noted, however, that this submission does not refer to use of various CCS technologies outside the CDM and for general mitigation purposes both in developed and developing nations.
Tag: Flexible Mechanisms
Evaluating the endgame roles played by key countries
Spotlighting the United States and Japan
[Cancún, Mexico] An on-demand U.N. webcast is now available streaming a media briefing hosted Friday, December 7, by CAN International to assess progress in the UNFCCC climate negotiations underway in Cancún, Mexico.
NGO experts on the panel include Alden Meyer of the Union of Concerned Scientists; Raman Mehta of CAN South Asia; and Masako Konishi, WWF Japan.
What: On-demand briefing by webcast on the Cancún climate talks
Webcast Address: http://webcast.cc2010.mx/webmedia_en.html?id=297
Original webcast date: 2:30 PM local (20:30 GMT), Friday, December 10, 2010
Who: NGO experts on UNFCCC negotiations
Climate Action Network (CAN) is a global network of over 550 non-governmental organizations working to promote government and individual action to limit human-induced climate change to ecologically sustainable levels. For more information go to: www.climatenetwork.org <http://www.climatenetwork.org/> .
For more information contact:
Hunter Cutting: +52(1) 998-108-1313 (local)
Ministers, it’s ECO again. May we have a few moments with you? Yes, you guessed it – right here in your hands is our clean and manageable list of key decisions for the remainder of the week.
We’ve heard that you feel there are too many choices and papering over the differences in the negotiations might be the best achievable for the moment. But remember, that trick only works once.
A high level political statement by itself will not cut it. We need a real agreement in Cancun, not a repeat of Copenhagen’s climate shame. No magic moment is going to arrive when the hard choices become easy. But the path to achievement is just steps away.
ECO is wondering what is going on in the Shared Vision negotiations. We heard whispers of much needed improvements, such as the recognition of the need to reduce atmospheric concentrations of CO2 to no more than 350 ppm and limit global temperature rise to 1.5° C, as well as the acknowledgement of historical responsibility and the link between human rights and climate change related actions.
All these elements must be included for a clear and robust shared vision that reflects our collective intention to ensure a liveable planet for us and for future generations.
But Ministers, ECO is going blue in the face! How many more times do we have to say ‘Gigatonne Gap’ before it finally sinks in? As UNEP affirmed in its authoritative report, there is a significant gap between the emissions pledges set forth in Copenhagen and the reductions the planet actually needs by 2020 to limit warming to 2° C, much less the 1.5° needed to avoid severe and even catastrophic impacts.
Yet the latest version of the Mitigation text contains no acknowledgement of the Gigatonne Gap, nor does it set forth a timely process to close it. A legitimate outcome in Cancun must explicitly provide the pathway to increased ambition.
ECO also calls on parties to anchor the pledges currently on the table so that commitments and actions can be strengthened over the next year before inscribing them in legally binding form in South Africa.
ECO is pleased that the MRV text has evolved in the past week from an empty 36-word shell to a real basis for negotiation.
But there’s a long way to go. The tables have turned here in Cancun and we’re finally hearing more about the need for enhanced MRV provisions for Annex I countries, including common accounting rules, as well as MRV of finance using a common reporting format.
This is only right – the United States and other developed countries have been calling for increased transparency for developing countries but have been shy about improving their own.
Establishing a Technology Mechanism and creating an operational Technology Executive Committee (TEC) is well within the remit here.
Unfortunately, the USA has been blocking progress on the TEC and CTCN discussions and negotiators are planning to kick many elements into the long grass, such as reporting lines and the link to the financial mechanism. This would be dangerous as it would leave too many issues to be dealt with during 2011.
The draft text is virtually content free when it comes to creating an operational framework for new, radically scaled-up, focused and integrated Capacity Building.
The stocktaking needs to clarify whether developed countries intend to take capacity building seriously (that is, on par with finance and technology), or whether they are happy enough just to leave it behind as crumbs in the corner.
On International Transport, the COP must guide ICAO and IMO in taking effective action to reduce emissions quickly, create a framework for these sectors to fairly contribute funds to mitigation and adaptation in developing countries, and ensure no net incidence of impacts on developing countries.
On Adaptation, a Cancun decision must launch the committee to oversee technical and coordinating provisions for adaptation under the Convention. Further, response measures does not have a place under the adaptation agenda. The resources available for adaptation should not be use as compensation for the loss on oil revenue as a result of mitigation action.
By the end the week decisions on Financing must be taken to establish a climate fund under the guidance and authority of the COP, along with a process to clarify the scale of this fund and guarantee sufficient resources for adaptation, along with the mechanisms and instruments to generate the required revenue flows.
We have heard that some developed countries are raising doubts about their ability to contribute to a fund under the UNFCCC due to constitutional or other legal impediments. These are simply tactical maneuvers to delay a decision, using the fund as a bargaining chip to get concessions from developing countries on other issues such as international consultations and analysis.
Negotiations on the Flexible Mechanisms are (unsurprisingly) facing difficulty, including even which text should be used.
However, at least two things should be done. First, the loopholes in existing mechanisms must be closed now. A primary example is surplus AAUs. Second, relevant principles should be set for further negotiations in LCA. If any new mechanisms are to be discussed going forward, they must go beyond offsetting. And they have to close the Gigaton gap, not widen it. Other important principles should also be set such as preventing double counting, supplementarity and contribution to sustainable development.
A very disturbing development is that the option for keeping CCS out of the Clean Development Mechanism has vanished from the draft text being forwarded to the CMP. At the very least, SBSTA must address the creation of perverse incentives for increased dependence on fossil fuels.
On land and forests, the message is simple but let’s say it again: Close the loopholes!
With respect to legal form, ECO calls on Parties to establish open and transparent processes to discuss their proposals, both now and after Cancun. Likewise, just as the Berlin Mandate provided clarity on legal form to the negotiating process that resulted in the Kyoto Protocol, Parties should agree mandates at Cancun to confirm the second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol as well as a legally binding outcome in the LCA and set them up for adoption at COP 17 in South Africa.
December 9, 2010
World NGO Leaders to call on Ministers to deliver climate agreement
Cancún climate talks panel (webcast live)
[Cancún, Mexico] The leaders of four international environment and
development organizations have traveled to Cancún to call upon Ministers to
produce a strong and meaningful climate agreement in talks underway here
hosted by the UNFCCC.
Climate Action Network will host a media panel for the leaders to share
their call, Thursday, December 9, at 11:30 AM local (17:30 GMT), in Room
Luna of the Azteca building of the Moon Palace in Cancún, host to the UNFCCC
Leaders participating on the panel will include:
€ Yolanda Kakabadse, President, WWF International;
€ Jeremy Hobbs, Executive Director, Oxfam International;
€ Kumi Naidoo, Executive Director, Greenpeace International; and
€ David Turnbull, Executive Director, CAN International.
What: World NGO leaders share their call upon Ministers in the Cancún
Where: UNFCCC Press Conference Room Luna, Moon Palace, Cancún
When: 11:30 AM local (17:30 GMT), Thursday, December 9, 2010
Who: NGO experts on UNFCCC negotiations
Climate Action Network (CAN) is a global network of over 550
non-governmental organizations working to promote government and individual
action to limit human-induced climate change to ecologically sustainable
levels. For more information go to: www.climatenetwork.org
For more information contact:
Hunter Cutting: +52(1) 998-108-1313
In Saturday morning’s session on carbon capture and sequestration (CCS), ECO was shocked that the the option for keeping CCS out of the Clean Development Mechanism was absent from the text being forwarded to the CMP for a decision.
CCS has many problems and is some time away from being operational for large power stations. And yet the door is opening to let it into the CDM by mandating a work programme. Could this be because the best way to accomplish enhanced oil recovery (EOR) is by pumping CO2 into the ground?
The inclusion of CCS is likely to give a perverse incentive to increase emissions and result in fairy tales in CDM project proposals. For example, it might be claimed that ‘by injecting CO2 into the ground, emissions will be reduced and a clean, state of the art technology will be transferred to a developing country.’ But what this actually means is, ‘by injecting CO2, we can squeeze even more oil out of the ground and even though the safety of CCS has not been established, if there are problems it won’t be in our backyard’.
ECO has long had a view that CCS does not belong in the CDM. It should be pointed out that according to the Marrakesh Accords, the inclusion of a new project type requires a showing that it is environmentally safe and sound. CCS is still in the demonstration phase and its safety has not been fully established, especially on long time scales. Furthermore, CCS is likely to be prohibitively expensive. And extra financing through the sale of carbon credits isn’t enough to increase the financial viability of such projects to the level needed.
In many cases, CCS in the CDM could actually be a foil for continuing to pump oil out of the ground. Just like an addicted smoker, we can’t seem to break our dirty habit.
The lack of attention to the environmental integrity of the CDM is a stain on the reputation of international efforts. In December 2009, the CDM Executive Board registered its first coal-fired power project, setting off two reactions: a firestorm of criticism from around the world and a wave of opportunistic applications from other coal projects.
Rather than heed the well-founded alarm of civil society, the EB approved a second 1,100 MW Tirora supercritical coal project under a faulty methodology. With well-documented concerns about the additionality of supercritical coal, and no avenue for addressing the oversight, this sends a sharply negative message about the integrity of the CDM,
As for the CDM coal rush, it is a wonder to behold. Some 20-odd coal based projects – including the 4,000 MW Sasan Ultra Mega Power Project (UMPP) capable of earning almost 4 million carbon credits per year while emitting over 20 million tonnes of CO2 – now sit in the CDM pipeline. The attempt to rebrand supercritical coal technology as an additional ‘clean’ energy option seems almost Orwellian. In the case of Sasan, the Indian government has mandated the use of supercritical technology in its Ultra Mega Power Project (UMPP) program, clearly undercutting the additionality claim.
Supercritical coal is a non-additional baseline technology for many rapidly industrializing countries and should not qualify for eligibility under the CDM. This is a climate scandal: carbon credits for a non-additional coal power plant deprive the world of much needed emission reductions, contribute little to sustainable development and lock in fossil fuel infrastructure for decades to come. The EB must remove the stain coal is placing on our efforts here in Cancun.