Tag: China (unofficial)

Global Village of Beijing

Global Village of Beijing (GVB) registered at March, 1996 as an independent NGO in China. Its mission is to enhance public awareness and to promote public involvement in environment protection in China by means of the mass media and various social activities.

GVB has participated in a variety of international activities including: The Bangkok conference on Environmental Communication and Education organized by UNEP, UNESCO and IUCN; The Second Environmental Study Tour for Asia - Pacific Journalists held in Japan; An international conference on sustainable consumption organized by the Norway Environment Ministry and a worldwide NGO alliance in Brazil.

GVB's many major projects include an environmental TV program and a forum as well as environmental lectures and recycling campaigns.

Contact Information: 

Friends of Nature

                Friends of Nature (FON) is the oldest environmental NGO in China. We have been working for over a decade to promote environmental awareness about China,s most pressing environmental problems. In particular, we have focused on protecting endangered species such as the Tibetan antelope and the snub-nosed monkey; environmental education through camps, field trips, and most importantly, teacher-training; and awareness-raising campaigns such as photo exhibitions and publications.

              Though we have achieved some important victories for nature, possibly FON,s greatest achievement is helping to foster a growing network of grassroots environmental NGOs throughout China. We firmly believe that environmental education increases awareness, and awareness increases citizen participation. It is through the participation of all Chinese citizens that China can achieve the dream of an environmentally harmonious society.

Contact Information: 
4th Floor, Building 5, Qingnianhu Xili, Dongcheng District
100011 Beijing

China Association for NGO (CANGO)


The China Association for NGO Cooperation (CANGO) is a non-profit membership organization operating nationwide. CANGO was founded in 1992 and registered with the Ministry of Civil Affairs in 1993 (registration number 3340), and is audited according to Chinese laws. By the end of 2010, CANGO had 142 member organizations. CANGO is an NGO in Special Consultative Status with the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations. CANGO also gained the qualification of pre-tax deduction for donations by the Ministry of Finance and State Administration of Taxation. At the beginning of 2010, CANGO gained the honorary title “National Advanced Social Organization” by the Ministry of Civil Affairs.

Since its founding, CANGO has developed good relations with 170 foreign NGOs as well as bilateral and multilateral organizations, which are maintained through its day-to-day operations. By the end of December 2009, CANGO had raised a total of RMB 472 million from 87 donor agencies for project implementation. The local matching fund reached a total of RMB 280 million. Almost 100 counties from 30 provinces, autonomous regions, and municipalities were involved in the projects. In addition, CANGO uses available resources to participate in international events, enhance the communication with foreign NGOs, participate in regional NGO communications and cooperation, and improve the social functions of NGOs in China.

The future task and direction for CANGO will be to promote China’s civil society development and to provide a platform for exchange of experiences and information-sharing for Chinese NGOs. CANGO will continue its work in Central and Western China with a strong focus on environmental protection and capacity building. CANGO will broaden the coorporation channels with the government, businesses and research institutes, and pay more attention to balanced economic and social development.

Contact Information: 
C-601, East Building, Yonghe Plaza, 28# Andingmen Dongdajie
100007 Beijing


The idea behind Greennovate was born in 2007 from a simple want: to combine business and social potential to do something meaningful in China. This simple want evolved into a social business that is constantly pushing the barriers, integrating sustainable concepts into traditional business and community practices.

What we do is strongly rooted in who we are. Greennovate is a broad network of sustainability consultants, engineers, marketers,educators and students working for what we’re passionate about. All these connections and resources help us generate ideas for China-specific green functions, products, and other initiatives that can help firms move forward toward a new way of doing business sustainably. We believe that focusing on end-of-pipe solutions is a false way of doing business, and so we aim to create a fundamental shift in the way that businesses think about sustainability: while many businesses consider sustainable practices a liability now, our goal is to demonstrate how they can be a valuable asset to any firm, and how they will be an essential part of the business future for everyone.

Contact Information: 
Room 203 Building 1,No.528, Kangding Road, Jing’an District

Lawyers can't, can we?

Lina Li
Shanshui Conservation Center

I landed in Maritim Hotel- first time here building on previous mixed (both sweet and bitter memories) COP experience in Copenhagen and Cancun, with two big questions in my head:
1. How can we pursue the extension of Kyoto Protocol, the second commitment period of the ('KP CP 2')?
2. How can we avoid a 'gap' between the first and the second commitment period?

After doing some homework of reading the secretariat technical paper and other relevant lectures, I thought, “aha, lawyers seem to already offer some answers!”
We have a basket of choices among a treaty, two protocols, amendment plus a protocol, COP decisions, or political agreement; we also have provisional arrangements to deal with the gap (considering ratification would most probably take beyond 2012).

To further explore the full answers, I joined in the legal working group of CAN.
The two weeks of the climate talks were filled with energy and deliberations to dig into the legal group's work -- intensive meetings and discussions within the working group and beyond, plenaries, contact groups, informals, rumors in corridors, bilaterals, media relations and briefings...It turned out that lawyers can't answer my questions, simply because they are political in nature rather than simply legal; the choices are in the hands of the politicians and negotiators. And we can and should make them make the right ones.

What is the right choice? KP CP2!
What's so good about it?
- the top down architecture that hold parties accountable
- the quantitative emission reduction targets
- the rules and infrastructure of institutions for MRV
- flexible mechanisms for cost effective solutions

The list could go quit long here, bearing in mind it is way far from a perfect system!

And an even more powerful answer is to see what would happen if we don't have a second commitment period of the Kyoto Protocol?
To quote a respectful experienced colleague who has followed the negotiations for over a decade, “everything in the negotiation will probably shut down and it is the END of the game.” This might sound a little scary and it actually is! If we lose the regime, it will take us another many decades to get another one!

Being in the negotiations seeing countries finger pointing to each other and sticking to their own interest (some are poorly self-defined), I am constantly reminded that we are living in an imperfect world. But that's not stopping us from making the best out of it and building for a better one. We just need a bit more wisdom and bravery. By we, I mean everyone here in Maritim- especially those wearing pink country representative badges!
This CAN Southern Capacity Building fellowship, as expectedly cool, exiting and challenging as it is, really gave me a wonderful two weeks in Bonn, with chances to observe, learn and OWN the participation and CONTRIBUTE to influence the UN climate talks. With my knowledge growing, I am also able to share more with my Chinese colleagues, and transfer the knowledge and experience here to the policy-working group of CCAN.
Bonn is the start point as SCB fellow, while a long way to go, I will keep on tracking my topics, working with my colleagues in the legal working group of CAN, interacting with other SCB fellows and the experts we've met, and more importantly, I will keep up the policy work (for both domestic climate legislation and policies, and international works e.g. COP 17 and Rio +20) together with other Chinese NGO colleagues, building our capacity, and enhancing our impact.

Farewell Bonn, Hello… Who Knows?

At the time ECO went to press, we’d heard all sorts of rumors about where the next intersessional might be: Panama, Bangkok, Mars? But despite this week’s lunar eclipse, our thoughts are firmly earthbound. ECO is confident that parties can see the sense in holding another intersessional, including workshops, technical negotiations, and the resumed sessions of the two AWGs. But, dear delegates, please leave behind the tedious haggling-over-the-agenda sessions. An additional meeting must be used productively so that Durban has a better chance of delivering the basis for a fair, ambitious and binding agreement. 

First, developed countries must acknowledge there is no alternative to a Kyoto Protocol second commitment period. Period.

We deplore the current stance taken by Japan, Canada and Russia. The hypocrisy is staggering. Japan presided over the COP that produced the KP. Russia’s support for the KP brought the treaty into force. Canada deftly launched the negotiations for a second commitment period (CP2) in Montreal. Where are those climate ambitions now?

The rest of the pack – the EU, Australia, New Zealand, Norway and Switzerland – used Bonn to elaborate their conditions for joining a KP CP2. We expect these countries to declare their full support for extending Kyoto’s commitments beyond 2012, and to come to Durban with pledges that top their current commitments. The world shouldn’t accept anything less!

The unvarnished truth, however, is that what is on the table now is not going to deliver a safe climate. Even the US has acknowledged that developed countries need to decarbonise their economies by 2050, based on low-carbon development strategies; as agreed in Cancún. These low carbon development strategies should contain a 2050 decarbonization goal, a plan to get there, and initial reduction targets of more than 40% by 2020, based on     common     accounting     rules     and

enhanced   national   communications  and biennial reporting as essential ingredients.

A second piece of the puzzle should be tackled by developing countries.

As AOSIS noted in their workshop presentation, developing countries also have a role to play in closing the gigatonne gap. ECO looks to all developing countries who have not yet submitted pledges to the UNFCCC or have not elaborated their plans further, including Argentina, Brazil, Indonesia, DRC, Nigeria, Iran, Venezuela, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Malaysia, and Thailand. It’s not on their shoulders alone. But they need to make it clear how they can reach their ambitions through a mix of supported and unsupported actions. 

The third major element of the Durban package is finance.

Finance negotiators have been hard at work on designing the Green Climate Fund and the Standing Committee. But all too many are missing the big picture: that the best-designed financial institutions in the world will be quite useless without substantial finance to govern. Concrete decisions must be made at COP17 to move us firmly onto a pathway to increase climate finance so as to reach $100bn per year by 2020, as committed by developed countries in Cancún.

Here in Bonn, the US has worked furiously to block much-needed discussions on all sources of finance, from budgetary contributions to supplementary innovative financing options such as bunkers, FTTs and SDRs. Discussion is also needed on common but differentiated responsibility for climate finance, no net incidence and compensation. We’re relieved to see some countries are asking for workshops to pave the way to a appropriately ramped-up 2013-2020 climate finance plan; all developed countries need to come to Durban prepared to put forward their mid-term financing commitments from 2013 onwards.

Finally, Durban must launch negotiations on a complementary legally binding agreement to Kyoto.

This agreement should address the major elements of the Bali Accord: comparable mitigation commitments by the United States, expanded financial commitments by developed countries, and developing country action.  Virtually every country says they support a legally binding agreement; in Durban, they must rise above their well-known differences on the exact form of such an agreement and commit to turning those words into action. 



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